Bolivian women are breaking down barriers to seek political power

Copacabana, Bolivia

Copacabana, Bolivia (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

News for Monday 6 August is taken from The Guardian

A growing number of Bolivia’s indigenous women are participating in politics. Though spread across great distances and representing a wide range of experiences, many of these women share a similar history. Most started out leading civil society organisations and then went on to run for local public office, often overcoming resistance within their own families.

“The major obstacles [to accessing a government position] are domestic duties and economic issues,” says Lucinda Villca, a council woman from Santiago de Andamarca, a municipality in the western district of Oruro. Villca is an Aymara mother of nine who used to be one of the native leaders of her quinoa and llama farming ayllu [community]. She is one of four council women who shared their experiences with IPS during a national meeting of women leaders from rural local governments held recently in the central Bolivian city of Cochabamba.

“We go out on the fields early in the morning to help our husbands, tending the crops or taking the cattle out to pasture. We come home at night and we have to fix supper and make some time to weave so we can earn extra money for the house,” Villca says. “With these obligations, there’s no time for anything else. I now have a greater responsibility. As a member of the indigenous council my mission was to work for my community. In this new post I have to work for the future of my municipality.” .

Marina Cuñaendi, a 55-year-old council woman from Urubichá, says: “I used to be a housewife. I’m a Guarani, and like many women in the countryside, I have no regular job. I was working for a women’s organisation when I was asked to run for office.”

Urubichá is one of Bolivia’s poorest areas, despite being located in Santa Cruz, the country’s most prosperous district. According to the last census, 85.5% of its 6,000 inhabitants – mostly Guarani people – live in extreme poverty.

Before being nominated in 2010, Cuñaendi had never thought of holding public office. She planted rice and corn and, in her “free time”, weaved to support her seven children, along with her husband. In Urubichá, she says, women have no time to organise and are marginalised from political life. She admitted that she had to consult her husband and children, who encouraged her.

In San Julián, another municipality of Santa Cruz, Yolanda Cuellar, a Guarani, was deemed to be “too young” to hold a municipal position. She turned 21 a month after being elected council woman in April 2010, on the ticket of the Without Fear Movement, opposing the Movement to Socialism party, which governs the municipality and the country.

“They didn’t trust me because I was young, and a woman to boot. In our municipality, sexism is very strong. Now there are four of us women in the council,” the accountant and mother of two says. Cuellar has her husband’s support. “He understands me and tells me not to quit because people voted for me; he tells me to fight for what I want and not give up just because somebody doesn’t want me there,” she says.

But the women’s lack of political experience and the discrimination by male peers have not made their work on the council easy. Also, being a council woman is very different from being an indigenous leader. “There’s a lot of bureaucracy, which slows down any project, but the worst is the lack of support. Our ideas are ignored and we feel alone. It’s like nobody is interested in doing anything for young people and women,” Cuellar says.

San Julián’s economy is primarily agricultural, but benefits from the commercial and services activities linked to the busy highway that runs through it. However, 57.9% of its more than 70,000 inhabitants live in extreme poverty.

Under the 2009 constitution and other laws, women must occupy at least 50% of all elected government positions. To ensure that percentage, candidate lists must be drawn up by alternating between women and men. At present, 43% of the mayors and council persons in Bolivia’s 327 local governments are women, and 96% of them are holding public office for the first time.

Lidia Alejandro, a 50-year-old Aymara council woman from Llallagua, a municipality in the mining district of Potosí, in western Bolivia, also identified inexperience as a factor that puts them at a disadvantage compared with their male counterparts.

“I became a council woman without knowing a thing about how municipal affairs are run. I’m a teacher, but holding office is very different. I couldn’t even speak up at a meeting or give statements to the press,” Alejandro says. “I had to learn as I went along.”  Training workshops helped her, but training takes time, she says, and that causes problems with husbands as they reproach women leaders for neglecting their homes.

Alejandro is troubled by the failure to achieve the goal of lifting the women of her municipality out of poverty due to a lack of specialists who can design projects to meet their needs. Bolivian legislation requires that part of the annual budget at all government levels be allocated to spending on projects that target the needs of women and other vulnerable groups. But most of the allocations are not spent, and the funds are either returned or transferred to other areas. “Women have come to us to complain. ‘How is it that we have four council women and they’re not doing anything for us?’ they say. We’ve tried to join forces, but the truth is that we all have our political loyalties,” Cuellar says.

Natasha Loayza, a specialist with the UN women’s office in Bolivia, says there has been great progress in terms of women’s participation in politics, furthered by the constitution and various laws. “The challenge is to translate this legislation into action, into real and concrete participation,” she says.

The UN women’s office’s Semilla (seed) programme, a three-year pilot initiative that is in its final year, helps women in rural districts exercise their economic and political rights. Loayza says one of the programme’s goals is to motivate more women to participate in politics by showing them the meaningful involvement of those who are already participating.

“Women can now access [public office], but it’s very hard. It’s a colossal task. The women who have achieved positions of responsibility in public bodies can bear witness to the problems they face every day to make their presence felt, and not just occupy decision-making positions on paper,” Loayza says. “We’re still at a point where women have to work hard to really participate.”

The programme is being implemented by the ministry of equal opportunities in 18 rural districts with $9m (£5.7m) in financing from the UN and, so far, has benefited 4,000 women.

Argentina’s former first lady Evita Peron honoured on 100 peso note

News for Thursday 26 July is taken from The Independent

Argentina’s iconic former first lady Evita Peron has been honoured in song, in film and currently on Broadway. Now her face will grace the nation’s currency.

President Cristina Fernandez revealed the new 100 peso note on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the death of Evita Peron – the first woman to appear on any Argentine banknote.

Ms Fernandez, whose party was inspired by Evita’s husband, strongman Juan Peron, said the initial printing will be commemorative, but she said she wants all new 100 peso notes to eventually carry the former first lady’s image, replacing that of Julio Argentino Roca, a 19th century president.

“After 200 years it’s the first time that a woman appears on a bill, and if you have to honour the gender, who better than the figure of Eva?” she asked.

Peron was a controversial figure, but one who fought with passion for society to be more equal and just, Ms Fernandez said.

“It’s not that Eva was a saint. It’s not that she didn’t make mistakes… She was a humble woman of the people,” the president said.

“Honouring her with this bill is a way of recovering justice.”

African Union chooses first female leader

English: Southern African Development Communit...

Southern African Development Community headquarters building in Gaborone, Botswana. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

News for Monday 16th July was taken from The Guardian

A South African politician has become the first female leader of theAfrican Union (AU), ending months of bitter deadlock at the continental body.

Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, South Africa‘s home affairs minister, was elected chair of the African Union Commission on Sunday at a summit of heads of state and government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Cheering broke out at the AU’s headquarters as supporters of Dlamini-Zuma, 63, celebrated her victory over the incumbent Jean Ping ofGabon.

“We made it!” a grinning Zimbabwean delegate shouted, reflecting the strong support Dlamini-Zuma’s candidacy received from fellow members of the Southern African Development Community.

The South African president, Jacob Zuma, former husband of the winning candidate, emerged from the conference hall where the voting had taken place to announce that “Africa is happy!” Her victory would empower women, he added.

Dlamini-Zuma is the first woman to lead the continent since the Organisation of African Unity, later the AU, was founded in 1963. She is also the first from southern Africa. She faces the challenge of revitalising a body often criticised for its slow and ineffective response to crises such as those in Ivory Coast and Libya last year.

Dlamini-Zuma’s victory was far from certain. She had stood against Ping in elections in January, which ended in a stalemate that extended Ping’s term in office by a further six months until a fresh ballot could be held.

In this first contest, neither candidate managed to secure the two-thirds majority needed for an outright win but Ping garnered slightly more support than his opponent.

Many observers felt it would be difficult for Dlamini-Zuma to overcome thewidespread discontent with South Africa for breaking the unwritten convention that the five largest contributors to the AU budget – Nigeria, Egypt, Libya, Algeria and South Africa – should not contest the commission’s highest office.

Both Nigeria and Egypt, whose strategic interests would not have been served by a South African victory, were strongly in the Ping camp. There are concerns that South Africa, the continent’s biggest economy, will use its position as AU chair to further its efforts to secure a permanent African seat on an expanded UN security council.

There had also been widespread scepticism in the South African press, which branded the country’s campaign “quixotic”.

But hard lobbying from the South African government and its regional partners turned the tide for Dlamini-Zuma. The campaign became personal towards the end of the contest with tempers flaring on both sides. Ping made an angry riposte to allegations in the South African press regarding his candidacy and campaign financing last week that lost him critical support.

His chances of victory were further undermined by the absence of two of his key champions – the continued threat of attack from Islamist militants kept the Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, at home, while Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s prime minister and the summit’s host, has yet to make an appearance at the meeting and is rumoured to be seriously ill and receiving treatment in Europe.

As in January, the election went the distance. In the first round, Dlamini-Zuma had a narrow advantage, beating Ping by 27 votes to 24. In the second she extended her lead, gaining two more votes. By the third she was just one vote short of the 34 needed to secure a two-thirds majority. She contested the fourth and final round alone and managed to succeed where Ping had failed, winning support from 37 out of the 51 eligible member states.

Yoweri Museveni, president of Uganda, welcomed the result, believing Dlamini-Zuma will be a strong advocate for the continent. “We are used to diplomats and bureaucrats,” he said. “Her background as a freedom fighter, this is value addition.”

He felt that the rifts exposed by the election had been healed “because we agreed” on Dlamini-Zuma.

Zuma concurred. “I think the AU has done the right thing,” he said. “Southern Africa is happy but the whole of Africa is happy.” The appointment of Zuma’s ex-wife removes her as a potential focal point for opposition to his candidacy before elections in South Africa in 2014.

Before the vote rumours spread of a compromise third candidate. Mohammed Ibn Chambas, a former president of the west African regional block Ecowas, and Joaquim Chissamo, the ex-president of Mozambique, were among those named.

Erastus Mwencha, a Kenyan, the vice-chairman of the AU commission, was re-elected to serve a second term. His support was almost unanimous, with 50 out of a possible 51 votes, and his victory breaks another unwritten convention that dictates that the chair and vice-chair are held by one francophone and one anglophone country. At a press conference before the election, Dlamini-Zuma said that if appointed chair she would assess “what is not working well and what can be strengthened”.

Najat Vallaud-Belkacem – the new face of France & Minister for women’s rights

Najat Vallaud-Belkacem

Najat Vallaud-Belkacem (Photo: Wikipedia)

News for 22 June 2012 has been taken from The Guardian.

Under the chandeliers of a historic mansion on Paris’s left bank, Najat Vallaud-Belkacem closes the double-doors to her gilded office to lessen the sound of power-drills. Workmen are turning the building into a new ministry headquarters. In the corridors, talk is of the election results: after Socialist François Hollande‘s presidential win, his party secured an absolute majority in parliament. The left now has the biggest concentration of power in recent French history: both houses of parliament, most regions and big cities. Now it faces the massive task of trying to drag France, and Europe, out of dire economic crisis, resisting the one-size-fits-all austerity mantra, while promising to mend France’s social, class and race divide. “We musn’t disappoint,” says Vallaud-Belkacem.

The 34-year-old is known as the “face” of the new French government. She is both minister of women’s rights – a post resurrected after decades of absence – and government spokesperson, handpicked to embody Hollande’s reforms and firefight on the media frontline. In a country still shellshocked by a divisive election campaign, marked by the rise of the far right and its anti-immigration discourse borrowed by Nicolas Sarkozy, Vallaud-Belkacem’s appointment is symbolic. It is also part of a much-demanded reshaping of government. France’s new cabinet, with 50% women, is doing far better than the European average of 26% women, and in particular the UK, which has five women out of 23 cabinet members. In addition, 20% of the new French cabinet are from ethnic minorities (seven ministers out of 34), compared with just one minister in Cameron’s cabinet: Lady Warsi.

Born in rural Morocco, Vallaud-Belkacem arrived in France, aged four, with her mother to join her father, a construction worker. The second of seven children, she grew up on a poor estate on the outskirts of the northern town of Amiens in the Somme. Her parents, as foreigners, didn’t have the right to vote, and the family didn’t talk politics, except to tut when the far-right Jean-Marie Le Pen appeared on television. Vallaud-Belkacem “flourished” at school, as she puts it, swayed as much by Voltaire’s Zadig as the Berber songs of her parents. She got French nationality at 18. With scholarships, she studied at France’s Institute of Political Science and worked as a jurist. But when in 2002, Le Pen shocked France by getting through to the final round of the presidential election, knocking out the Socialists, she felt she had to go into politics. Elected councillor in Lyon and rising up the ranks of Lyon’s town hall and the Socialist party, she found herself on a plane in 2006 with Ségolène Royal, then running to be France’s first woman president. She offered to help Royal, who made her her spokesperson. This year, Hollande gave her the same post in his own presidential campaign.

She was shocked when, after she was appointed to government, the right and far right attacked her as a threat because of her double French and Moroccan nationality. “For 10 years I’ve been totally engaged in serving the public good. I feel totally French – I don’t feel half-French because of my dual nationality. For me, dual nationality just means I don’t deny my roots,” she says.

Now her desk is piled high with the latest tricky dossiers on equality rights. When Hollande appointed equal numbers of men and women to the French government for the first time, and then gave Vallaud-Belkacem prominence as women’s rights minister, the stakes were high. Feminist groups in France are increasingly vocal, clear that they won’t put up with persistent inequality on pay, family issues or sexual harassment. Since the 2011 arrest in New York of the one-time Socialist presidential hopeful Dominique Strauss-Kahn on criminal charges of alleged attempted rape against a hotel housekeeper, which were later dropped, there has been a public outpouring over sexism and harassment issues in France. Strauss-Kahn, who denies the allegations, still faces a civil suit in New York and and is under investigation for alleged complicity in pimping in a prostitution-ring inquiry in Lille. Non-stop media coverage has opened the debate on sexism and macho culture, and it won’t go back in its box.

Vallaud-Belkacem says she was often “observed like something from another planet” in her 10-year political career. She has never been sure whether that was down to her age (at 34 and in government, she is still 20 years younger than the average French MP), gender or foreign roots. In a book this year, Raison de Plus, she described hosting an election campaign dinner at home in Lyon. She opened the door and took a guest’s coat to find him looking around for Madame Vallaud-Belkacem, shocked that it was her. “Still today in our society a young woman with dark skin who opens the door in a bourgeois area must be a domestic,” she wrote.

She has fought to dodge the ethnic diversity pigeonhole in politics. “When I started out, it was rare to see elected representatives with foreign roots. Often I was relegated to my origins, put in the diversity box: ‘You’re the new face of diversity.’ That annoyed me, because I always felt French, and suddenly I was being made to feel I wan’t as French as others.” Aware of the argument that someone like her would “do well” in elections in “towerblock constintuencies”, she deliberately always fought for election in right-wing areas, worked on topics not linked to ethnicity, such as gay rights and bio-ethics. She now feels she has undone that label. “I’m no longer reduced to it. I’m seen as a politician in my own right, without having to qualify that I’m from France’s [ethnic] diversity.”

But hanging over her head is the persistent comparison with Rachida Dati, the one-time justice minister, whom Sarkozy made his own symbol of ethnic diversity. A magistrate and daughter of Moroccan and Algerian immigrants, Dati was the first woman of North African origin appointed to government, dominating the celebrity magazines, before she very publicly fell from favour and grace. “There’s no comparison,” says Vallaud-Belkacem. A ferocious critic of Sarkozy, she concedes that his appointment of three women of foreign origin was important, “but at the same time it was hugely lacking, because he didn’t go out and find elected representatives with foreign roots who had earned their legitimacy on the ground, in grassroots politics: he found those close to him, or people who he made and later undid. That is the trap François Hollande hasn’t fallen into.”

Once described by French Elle as a “smiling and tireless bulldozer”, Vallaud-Belkacem’s first challenge as women’s minister is to rush through a new sexual harassment law. Last month, women’s groups took to the streets after France’s constitutional council scrapped existing legislation when a deputy mayor who had been convicted of harassing three employees complained the law was too vague. Ongoing cases were immediately thrown out of the courts, leaving what she called a “dangerous void”.

“We’re creating a criminal law which will cover a maximum of possible situations,” she said. Based on the European directive, all types of sexual harassment will be taken into account, inside and outside the workplace: from jokes, insinuation and gestures to leaving a pornographic magazine on someone’s desk. A victim will no longer have to prove that a harasser was trying to secure a sexual encounter. When there are clear demands for sex, such as someone demanding sex at a job interview or for a housing contract – examples of which have dominated recent French media coverage of the issue – a single incident can be enough to go to trial.

There has been a lot of soul-searching about the extent of sexual harassment in France. Vallaud-Belkacem says she doesn’t feel it’s a particularly French issue, or worse in France than elsewhere. She glances at a Europe-wide study from 1999, in which 40% of women in the EU said they had experienced it at least once. “This shows a certain similarity of behaviour across Europe,” she says. “But the fact the French law stayed so imprecise for so long, despite a strong mobilisation by women’s associations, is proof the powers that be didn’t sufficiently take it in hand. So we have to fight to end the feeling of impunity that persists in our country on this issue.”

When the Strauss-Kahn story broke, the media reported a kind of break in the omerta on sexual violence and sexism in general. Women politicians spoke out about sexism, some complaining they no longer felt comfortable wearing a skirt in parliament. Other cases were reported, including against the then right-wing UMP minister and mayor Georges Tron, now under investigation for alleged rape and sexual assault against staff, which he denies.

Does Vallaud-Belkacem think women’s issues have been marked by a “before and after DSK” moment? She says the growing feminist awareness dates back to before the New York arrest, but has been boosted by several events. “First in 2009, when Sarkozy cut funds to family planning, abortion clinics began closing, making life difficult for women who wanted an abortion – some had to go abroad. People began realising things they had taken for granted were not as straight forward as they thought, and there were demonstrations and a petition of 150,000 signatures. Then in 2010, Sarkozy’s pension reform left women 40% worse off than men, and women took to the streets again. Then the DSK case allowed greater visibility and discussion of behaviours French society rightly judged unacceptable.”

All this heaps pressure on Vallaud-Belkacem and Hollande to deliver their promises on equal rights. She will be able to vet all new laws in terms of women’s rights and gender equality. “Everything will be looked at through the prism of gender equality. If we see an imbalance, we will readjust it,” she said.

She is planning a major conference of experts on prostitution in France and Europe. “Since the 19th century and the role of Josephine Butler [the Victorian feminist], Britain and France have been the core countries in the international mobilisation against prostitution. I really hope that these common roots are still alive.” She hopes to meet Theresa May to open discussions on “how we tackle women’s issues together, such as prostitution and human-trafficking”.

On France’s persistent male-female pay gap, the first step will be to enforce the existing law, which is often ignored. France has set quotas on women’s presence in boardrooms at 20% by 2012 and 40% by 2017. Many big companies have already nudged over the 20% objective, proof that the law can “spur companies on”. But she thinks the solution is not just quotas at the top, but training and opportunities at the bottom, where women are often forced into part-time work and limited in career progress.

France is often viewed by its European neighbours as a beacon for childcare provision for young babies. “Compared to some of our neighbours, it’s not frowned upon to be a mother and work in France,” she said, explaining why France has Europe’s highest birth rate after Ireland. She says there’s still huge work to be done, and wants to end the taboo around paternity leave.

But in French politics, the personal is becoming the political, and Vallaud-Belkacem is conscious of the example she sets as a working mother. Married to a civil servant who has just been appointed to another ministry, she has three-year-old twins. With an election campaign and setting up a new ministry, her working hours have been nudging 7am to 11.30pm seven days a week.

“I’m aware that beyond my own need to find a personal balance, I should be sending a signal to society as women’s minister about the importance of work-life balance.” But how? “It’s difficult,” she says, jumping up for the next meeting, but resolved to carve out time.

Girls working for a better world send strong message to the G20 Summit

News for 20 June has been taken from Women’s News Network.

Currently there are 3.5 billion girls and women in the world. This actually means to global advocates that there are 3.5 billion ways to change the world. The G(irls)20 Summit, in its third session, brought together 22 young women as delegates representing the G20 countries, including the African Union, to discuss issues and solutions for economic growth.

Gathering before the official G20 conference kicked off in Mexico City’s ITAM University (Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México), only weeks ahead of the G20, girl delegates proposed specific actions for world leaders countering the shortage of food supply, the work for women in agriculture and the rising violence that faces girls and women today.

They came to Mexico City to send a strong message to the leaders who have gathered for the G20 Summit in Los Cabos, Mexico, opening a critical debate and dialogue on the influence of girls and women as drivers of economic improvement for their communities and beyond. One of the goals — to deliver a document to influence the international Heads of State at this year’s G20 Summit.

“Too often we see decisive economical opportunities get lost when girls and women are underestimated and undervalued”, says Farah Mohamed, President of the G(irls)20 Summit. “By recognizing the important role that girls and women play in building strong economies and stable communities, the G20 has the opportunity to make strategic investments and make decisions that will allow significant results all over the world”.

During the first phase of the G(irls)20 Summit, the delegates talked leadership, media and public relations and how to become politically engaged. They also learned the value of business planning and storytelling to reach the public. As they attended panels and side-conferences given by top specialists they learned how society is changed by women. And how the impacts facing women cause all of society to change. Two of the key discussions covered: “opportunity gained: investing in women in agriculture” and “opportunity lost as a result of gender based violence”.

The ultimate goal of the G(irls)20 Summit is to present their message to the Mexican government as well as the leaders of the G20.”While women comprise nearly half of the agricultural labour force [globally], their potential remains unleveraged. It has been shown that secure land rights [for women] can increase agricultural production by 60 per cent and income by 150 per cent”, outlines the ‘official communiqué’ from the G(irls) Summit.

It is hoped that all delegates will go back to their communities and put their new ideas into practice.

“I think the potential for change is enormous, in terms of bringing together fresh ideas”, said Jeni Klugman, Director of Gender and Development at the World Bank Group, recently to WNN. “The group of girls itself has a lot of credibility because of its diversity and their caliber -they’re very impressive and thoughtful- and by connecting them, by giving them a sense of possibilities, the potential for making significant difference in their lives, and them in turn making significant change in the lives of others, is quite high”.

Delegates for the G(irls)20 Summit have been chosen because of their ‘strong’ will to bring about innovative solutions to problems they see affecting their countries and the world. Magdaly Santillanez, a delegate from Mexico and a high-school student from the state of Sinaloa, currently working on issues of global poverty by applying scientific research to help pilot a new and innovative program for global microfinance.

“…today I write about what we perfectly know: the humankind and our actions to take care of our home, the Earth, where more than seven billion of us live and out of those seven billion, 3.5 billion are girls and women”, Santillanez shared in her recent blog release made to The Huffington Post.

By putting the data in place, Santillanez wants to understand how microcredits and business training together is useful to improve the economic and social situation for those suffering under highest degree of global poverty.

“We must not think that this event is feminist or for women only”, Santillanez emphasized recently in an interview with WNN. “We are half of the world’s population and by empowering a girl or a woman you will improve not only her life, but her family’s and all the people around her as well”, she added.

This same idea resonated among many keynote speakers during the G(irls) Summit. “Men are [also] part of the solution and they’re benefited from whatever we do for women”, said Isatou Jallow, Chief of Women, Children and Gender Policy for the United Nations World Food Programme.

Delivering a ‘heartfelt’ speech during the G(irls)20 Summit outlining the role men can take in preventing violence against women, Jimmie Briggs, former journalist and founder of the Man Up Campaign, recalled having what he calls a, “life-changing moment”. When he met a woman in the Congo region of Africa who confessed to him her tragic story his life changed immediately.

She told Briggs she was gang-raped by the militia during the conflict in Congo, and saw her children and father killed in front of her. The shock of making such close contact with a woman who’s traumatic experience under conflict was so overwhelming to Briggs, caused him to discontinue his work as a journalist. Deciding to start instead the Man Up Campaign, Briggs now aims to activate global youth to stop all violence against women and girls worldwide.

“Women’s rights are human rights”, he declared to all those attending the Mexico City based G(girls) ‘pre-summit’ to the G20 Summit meetings in Los Cabos. Describing itself as a “bold initiative and the first of its kind in that it is both youth led and informed,” the Man Up Campaign is changing lives, both men and women’s lives.

But how can women gain strength in the public sector? And how can this strength improve our world?

Securing women’s access to safety, nutrition and a job with equality standards, opportunities and access to education can make positive impacts on economic growth and social development, outlined the conference. This is an effort that has to be made by all the sectors of society though the conference stressed. It’s essential that the government as well as the private sector and civil society jumps in, stressed the G(irls) Summit.

As Jeni Klugman reminded, there has been progress. According to World Bank 2012 data on gender equality and development, gender gaps in primary education have lowered in almost all countries. Women are also more than half the world’s university students. Over half a billion women have also joined the work force over the last 30 years.

However other gaps persist in many areas reveals the girls summit. Women still have unequal access to education. They also face death more often because of their gender. through gender selective abortion; in early childhood as the ‘less valued girl-child’; and in their reproductive years as they face the ‘real’ dangers of maternal mortality.

“We live in a globalised world where a significant event occurring today in a given place has direct and immediate consequences in the rest of the world”, says Mexico’s Minister of Foreign Relations and G20 Ambassador Patricia Espinosa.

“Undoubtedly, we must either accept our shared future, or we will have none”, she continued.

Unequal access to economic opportunities can greatly limit a woman’s power as decision makers in their own households, as well as their own society. Although general household financial wealth has gone up 5.14 percent in Mexico since 2004, according to the Paris based OECD - Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, that works to help governments work together to solve problems that face women everywhere, “Women are still less likely than men to participate in the labour market”, outlines the OECD.

Jeni Klugman, from the World Bank, explains the issues of women and inequality more closely. “They’re a real drag on development, that’s why last year over 25 billion dollars were invested in gender-informed projects”, she said. One of the programs funded by the World Bank in Mexico is the GEM – Gender Equity Model, run by the National Institute for Women.

“Mexico has made substantial progress in recent years in reducing gender gaps in education, reducing the maternal
mortality rate, and increasing women’s participation in the labor force. Yet much remains to be done.Women in Mexico still represent only 35% of the labor force”, says a 2010 outline of the GEM program.

Working to bring equal opportunities for men and women to the table throughout the region, 300 Mexican organizations have already been certified as ‘gender equitable’.

According to their report: “Participating firms have eliminated pregnancy discrimination from recruitment practices, communication has improved, and 90% of participating organizations reported that workers’ performance and productivity have increased”.

Other sources are saying that women are seeing improvements in regions including Mexico. “Mexico continues to climb the rankings, gaining two positions this year because of an improvement in the wage gap”, says an October 2011 report by UNESCO.

“Things can change”, Klugman outlines. “Not by itself but with the work of civil society, political will and domestic policy and the private sector”.

Some of the most inspiring advice for the G(irls)20 Summit came from women in the private sector only days before the G20 Summit. The last panel,  called “Women in Mexico”, stressed “never giving up and being fearless”. The G20 ‘pre-summit’ was left with a simple idea: “If you don’t try, you have already failed”, reminded Nicole Reich from Scotiabank Mexico.

The women who played crucial roles in crushing Watergate

News for 17 June 2012 has been taken from BBC News.

(Original headline: Women of Watergate)

In 1972, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein began to investigate and expose all the president’s men involved in the Watergate scandal. But as their book by the same name shows, the reporters were helped by several women who played crucial roles in revealing the White House’s dirty tricks campaign.

Image: The Guardian

Debbie Sloan – The wife
Hugh Sloan, the treasurer for the CRP resigned from his post soon after the Watergate burglary. His wife, Debbie, was hailed as her husband’s moral backbone and a driving force behind his decision – a depiction she has routinely played down. She invited Woodward and Bernstein into her home, and her husband became a valuable source. Now a grandmother living in Michigan, she recalled the year her life changed completely.

Image: The Guardian

Judy Hoback – The bookkeeper
Watergate watchers know about Deep Throat, the anonymous source made famous in All the President’s Men. But another unnamed informant, “the Bookkeeper” was an even more important source for the reporters. An employee at the Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP), Judy Hoback was a young widow when Woodward and Bernstein came knocking on her door. Now known as Judy Miller, she is close to finishing her last bookkeeping job and retiring in Florida.

Image: The Guardian

Marilyn Berger – The reporter
Veteran diplomatic reporter Marilyn Berger didn’t set out to become part of the Watergate story. But the information she discovered – gained after a former Post employee turned White House insider tried to impress her over drinks – helped prove a connection between political “dirty tricks” and the Nixon administration. When she shared what she learned with the Post reporters, she became part of the story. Now in her 70s, Berger is a mother for the first time, raising a young boy from Ethiopia.

Image: The Guardian

Martha Mitchell – The campaign worker
The wife of attorney general John Mitchell and an early member of CRP, Mitchell sounded a frequent warning about the committee’s misdeeds. But her outsized personality and rumoured drinking problem led many to disregard her. Later, psychologists coined the phrase “Martha Mitchell effect”, used when people are diagnosed as mentally ill because they’re telling a truth that seems too outrageous to believe. In 1974, she sat down with veteran broadcaster David Frost to tell her story. She died two years later.

Women peers speak out

News for 12 June 2012 has been taken from The Guardian.

The female peers of the House of Lords have come to the fore in their influence on major coalition bills on health, welfare and legal aid. But is there a danger that the experience and wisdom they bring to the upper chamber could be lost in the rush to reform?

The redoubtable Jean Alys Barker, Baroness Trumpington of Sandwich, in the County of Kent – Trumpers to her friends – was made a Conservative peer in 1980. She was in Strasbourg at a conference when she heard. “The British consul rang me and told me that my husband had desperately been trying to get through to me,” she says. “She obviously thought it was bad news. For some reason, I didn’t do anything. But he called again at midnight – he was as drunk as a skunk by then – and he said: ‘Darling! You’re going to the House of Lords.’ Well, you can imagine. I didn’t get a wink of sleep.” Was she pleased? Suddenly girlish, she casts me a look of purest delight. “Oh, I was absolutely thrilled!”

Her peerage acknowledged a lifetime of service. During the war, she worked first as a land girl – she shows me a photograph of herself, aged 17, in high-waisted trousers, a trug over her arm, talking shyly to Lloyd George – and later at Bletchley Park, where she was part of the team that cracked the German U-boat code (“We would have starved to death, no question, if we hadn’t got it,” she says). Afterwards, she was a Cambridge city councillor for more than a decade, and served as the town’s mayor, as well as, among many other things, a justice of the peace; a member of both the board of visitors at Pentonville prison and the mental health review tribunal; and the chairwoman of the airline users committee.

But it also marked the beginning of a whole new career. There followed a series of government jobs: as a whip, as a parliamentary undersecretary at the Department of Health, and as a minister of state at the Department of Agriculture (in the last year of that appointment, aged 69, she became the oldest ever female minister). Today, she is an extra baroness-in-waiting to the Queen – the role requires her to greet visiting heads of state on behalf of the monarch – and she continues to travel daily to the Lords whenever the house is sitting. “The wonderful thing is,” she says, “that age doesn’t matter here.” Does she still make speeches? You bet she does. “I spoke the other day on this Sunday trading bill for the Olympics. I know all about Sunday trading from the 80s, of course. It was rather fun. I started my speech: ‘Fuss, fuss, fuss, my Lords.’ They were being so silly, acting like it was going to bring in [full] Sunday trading by the back door, when that wasn’t it at all.”

Among her colleagues, Baroness Trumpington is known for her sense of mischief, and for her plain speaking. Last November, you will recall, she was caught on camera giving a V-sign to Lord King after he referred to her advanced age during a Remembrance Day debate. “I don’t do things for the public,” she says, when I ask about this. “It was entirely between him and me, I thought. It was very, very discreet.” Slowly, gracefully, she repeats the salute in full for my benefit – which is very funny because, at the time, she insisted it was a mistake, that her hand had unaccountably “flown up”. Did she think he was being rude? “Yes, I thought he was being bloody rude.”

So what does she think about the government’s plan to reform the Lords? Straight-backed in her chair, she rolls her eyes. The coalition is, she says, a “pain in the neck … the days are longer, things are more drawn out, a lot of the time it’s just plain ‘your turn, Charlie.’” (During one particularly late vote, or so I’ve heard tell, she turned to her neighbour and said: “This is like the blitz – only without the sex, of course.”) As for the report published by the joint committee on the draft House of Lords reform bill – it proposes a smaller chamber; 80% of peers would be elected, to serve 15-year terms – she considers it a dog’s dinner, the result of yet another silly deal with the Liberal Democrats. “It isn’t good enough! We debated it, and various people have said [to me] that Lord Wallace’s summing up [a Liberal Democrat peer, he is a government whip] was the worst they’d ever heard.”

The government, though, is determined to press on: Lord’s reform represented a key section of the Queen’s speech last week, in spite of the warnings of some Tory MPs, who think it a crazy and expensive distraction. Will Baroness Trumpington join those peers already mobilising against it? No doubt she will. But as she points out, for her, this would be a matter of principle rather than political opportunism; it would be unwise to make predictable jokes about turkeys and their reluctance to vote for Christmas in her presence. “I’m 89, my dear. Whatever happens, I’m unlikely to be around to see it. Though I wouldvery much like to return to the Lords as a ghost.”

My first day at the Palace of Westminster. I’m here to interview women peers, newly and triumphantly visible thanks to their determined attempts to revise a series of mammoth – and, some would say, extremely badly drafted – government bills (health, welfare, legal aid). But no sooner have I arrived than all the talk is of reform. What do I think about this? I think that, in 2012, replacing an unelected chamber with an elected one is, or should be, a no-brainer, and that it would be embarrassing to argue otherwise. Initial impressions only reinforce this. From a gallery high above the chamber, I watch a bishop checking the weather forecast on his iPhone, and think how odd it is that there is still an element of theocracy in our law-making. Hard to ignore, too, that the place seems, at first, like little more than a retirement home for MPs. (Hello, Ann Taylor and Beverley Hughes – I wondered where you’d gone! Coo-ee! John Prescott, looking just as cheery as ever.) Later, at the committee on communications, where two experts are giving evidence about broadband speeds, I experience a jolt of indignation as Melvyn Bragg takes his seat beside the Earl of Selborne – which one of them, I wonder, knows more about Britain’s digital future? – though admittedly, I’m soon distracted by the far more transfixing sight of Baroness Fookes, the former Conservative MP, eyes shut (though surely not asleep?) as the witnesses are talking, her sea-green eyelids dropping like an expensive pair of roman blinds.

But then I start talking to people, and the ground starts to shift beneath my feet. I go native! Leaving aside both the constitutional arguments – an elected second chamber would be able to claim parity with the Commons, something that could cause legislative gridlock – and the logistics – how much is all this going to cost? – it’s difficult to see how an elected House of Lords would be any different from an elected House of Commons given that, in order to stand, potential candidates will feel they need a party behind them. And what will that mean? Certainly, it will be more “democratic” (though 15-year terms would make it equally difficult ever to turf anyone out). But will it be as wise, as learned, or even as diverse? Will it have the same sense of perspective? I doubt it, and so does every woman I meet, even those of them who are broadly in favour of reform.

In the soothing gloom of the peers’ guestroom, I ask Molly Meacher, a crossbencher and former social worker who has won widespread praise for her dogged work on the health and welfare bills, if she would consider standing for election (some crossbenchers are appointed by independent committee; Meacher is pro-reform, but fears that this government’s approach to it will be “thoughtless and destructive” as a quid pro quo for Lib Dem support). “No, I wouldn’t think of it!” she all but yelps. “None of the crossbenchers would – and yet it’s there that you’ve got the greatest levels of expertise: the judges, the police officers, the doctors, the lawyers.” Under the current proposals, there would still be appointed crossbenchers, but their numbers would fall from 186 to 90. “I’m game, I’d stand,” says Ruth Deech, another of their number (Deech, a constitutional lawyer, is a former chairwoman of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority, and a former principal of St Anne’s College, Oxford). “But I wouldn’t get in. If you don’t have the party machinery, you can’t do it. So if we move to an elected chamber, we’ll lose the independents. There probably wouldn’t be as many women, or as many people from ethnic minorities, and there certainly wouldn’t be as many disabled peers.”

Elected peers would also be less free-thinking, less rebellious, their consciences buckling beneath the might of the party whips. “As a crossbencher, you’re always in opposition,” says Tanni Grey-Thompson, the former para-Olympian. “That’s quite cool. I vote however I like.” It was thanks, in part, to Grey-Thompson that the government’s legal aid bill suffered 14 defeats in the Lords before it finally passed into law late last month.

“We [crossbenchers] dislike the fact that the parties don’t attend debates, and then just come in and vote,” says Mary Warnock, the philosopher, who also sits on the crossbenches. “This is why I loathe the idea of an elected house. It’s bad enough that both parties have taken to coming and addressing us at our weekly meeting – pretending, of course, that it’s a great privilege to do so. We’re increasingly reluctant to let them because they just try to twist our arms.” The huge influx of former MPs since 2010 – David Cameron has created more peers more quickly than any other postwar prime minister – is already ruining the Lords’ capacity for thoughtful and serious debate, without the parties further strengthening their grip. “They don’t understand that we don’t go in for filibustering. Speeches made at such length.” Warnock grimaces theatrically. “They stand there telling us the story of their life, anecdote after anecdote. It’s appalling!”

With its dining rooms and its bars, its library and its deferential staff, the Lords is exceedingly convivial – the best club in London, or so the saying goes. According to Deech, something about the building – so opulent, so optimistic, so deeply Victorian – makes her feel “a special obligation to do my best”. But since it’s still largely full of privileged white males – about 25% of its membership is female, though the situation isn’t any worse, these days, than in the Commons – isn’t it also, sometimes, a difficult place to be? I’m amazed by her answer. “This is one of the most egalitarian institutions I’ve ever worked in,” she says. “The speaker is a woman, as was her predecessor; the convenor of the crossbenchers is a woman; the shadow leader of the house is a woman; there are 30 women in top positions. It’s true that there’s something of an old public school atmosphere, and I’m normally the first to criticise that sort of thing, but it really is egalitarian.”

But she isn’t alone. Tina Stowell, a Conservative peer and government whip, tells me: “I don’t ever get the sense there’s any kind of misogyny here.” Meacher says that by the time they reach the Lords, most people have already achieved all they are going to in life; as a result, the atmosphere is less competitive than it might be, and thus more equal. “I think we’re out of the flirty stage,” says Joan Bakewell, a Labour peer. “We relate to the men, and they to us, only via the business we are doing.” Grey-Thompson says: “Outside, people see me approaching, and think: ‘Oh, God! It’s her!’ But inside … they listen, and with respect.” Only Lola Young, a crossbencher who is pro-reform, casts any doubt. “Some people don’t think you should be here,” she says. “But that’s their problem. I’ve got a vote, just as Margaret Thatcher has got a vote.”

What strikes me about all of them is their willingness to speak frankly (these are not the timid, boring robots you find in the Commons), the depth of their knowledge (unlike the new generation of MPs, they have had long careers in the outside world), and the wide range of their backgrounds. Deech is the daughter of refugees from Nazi Germany; Young is busy writing about a book about her extraordinarily difficult childhood; Meacher didn’t get her degree until after she had children. Bakewell, a relatively new peer, still has to pinch herself that she is here, even after a lifetime on our television screens. “My grandfather was a cooper in a brewery,” she says, with a smile. Stowell, a former head of corporate affairs at the BBC, grew up in Beeston, Nottinghamshire; her father was a painter and decorator, her mother a factory worker (Cameron made her a peer in 2011, after she failed to be selected for a parliamentary seat). She left school at 16, and her began her working life as a secretary. “After I was introduced to the Lords, we had a lunch. My dad was sitting next to George Osborne, my mum next to William Hague, my brother next to Seb Coe. To me, it was quite wonderful. I feel people are very detached from politicians. I’m concerned they’re losing faith with what they believe to be right, and I’m very sincere in wanting to give them a voice.” The Tories are extremely lucky to have her, and must know it.

What will happen to these women, and others like them, if the Lords are reformed? Stowell and Grey-Thompson are the only ones I can see standing successfully for election. In a world in which women who are over 50 are too often seen as being on the scrapheap, the Lords acts as a kind of glorious corrective. It pounces on their talents, picking their brains, pushing them forward. Back in her immaculate Battersea flat, Baroness Trumpington is showing me more photographs. Here she is with Ted Heath. Here she is – in the most extraordinary hat – with John Major. And here she is sitting next but one to the Queen at a state banquet. Whatever the future brings, there is a sense in which she, at least, will have seen it all before – a bird’s eye view we would be foolish to ignore. “I’ve worked away at a hell of a lot of things in my life,” she says, now, in her wonderfully sonorous voice. “And one thing is for sure. Politics is not the beginning and the end of everything, and nor should it be.”

François Hollande delivers diversity and equality as first cabinet revealed.

Français : Francois Hollande - Mardis de l'ESSEC

Français : Francois Hollande – Mardis de l’ESSEC (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

News for May 16th taken from The Guardian.

François Hollande, France’s first left-wing president in nearly 20 years, has unveiled a government which for the first time features an equal number of women and men, and includes figures who reflect the country’s ethnic diversity.

Unlike the cabinet of Nicolas Sarkozy, who taunted the opposition by opening it up to different political backgrounds, Hollande’s cabinet is dominated by his allies on the left. It immediately faces the daunting task of redressing the issues of a highly indebted country, hit by crisis and economically on its knees.

Of 34 posts in government, 17 are for women. They include Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, 34, a local councillor in Lyon, who has been appointed minister for women’s rights, a position long missing from the French government. The former presidential campaign spokesperson is also likely to dominate the media, as she is now the government spokeswoman.

Vallaud-Belkacem was born in Morocco and came to France to join her immigrant father. She studied law and politics before joining the Socialist party, in part in reaction to the success of the far-right Jean-Marie Le Pen in the 2002 presidential elections. She has already been criticised by the French right for retaining joint Moroccan and French nationality.

Her appointment is a sign of the emergence of a new generation. Other ministers aged under 40 include Aurélie Filippetti, a former ecologist, novelist and MP in Lorraine, who was appointed culture minister. The Green party leader Cécilie Duflot becomes minister for housing.

Another significant appointment is Christiane Taubira, justice minister‚ an MP from French Guyana, and author on slavery. Marisol Touraine was made minister for health and social affairs, and the senator Nicole Bricq took ecology. George Pau-Langevin, who for years was the only black MP from mainland France in parliament took a junior education ministry.

Jean-Marc Ayrault, a veteran social democrat and German expert, was appointed prime minister on Tuesday. The sharing out of government posts is the clearest indication of Hollande’s priorities and way of working, with the public sector featuring prominently, and a “productivity” ministry to boost France’s declining industry.

Traditionally French governments start with a sugared pill, for example Sarkozy’s initial tax-breaks, but this time the pill will be bitter from the start as Hollande attempts to rein in the public deficit despite low growth predictions and high unemployment. The first cabinet meeting on Thursday will cut the president’s and minister’s salaries by 30%

The government was announced late, apparently after last-minute deals in a party that has long been dominated by back-stabbing and internal sparring, despite Hollande seemingly keeping a lid on ego-battles during the campaign.

The Socialists’ leader, Martine Aubry, on the left of the party, was notably absent from government after refusing to take a consolation prize post when she was not nominated prime minister. But in a sign that Hollande wanted to keep some of his former enemies close, the job of foreign minister went to Laurent Fabius, a former prime minister, who opposed the European constitution in 2005.

Pierre Moscovici, Hollande’s campaign director, a fluent English speaker and former minister for European affairs takes the crucial finance ministry job.

Manuel Valls, Catalan-born and seen as an ambitious rising star of the younger generation, on the right of the Socialist party, will take the interior ministry, which served as Nicolas Sarkozy’s launch pad for his presidential ambitions. Viewed as tough on law and order, he is an MP and mayor in a mixed Paris suburb, interested in diversity and the housing estates. When he competed for the Socialist presidential ticket last autumn he visited London to look at how the Tottenham riots had been handled.

France is in a kind of political limbo until the parliamentary elections on June 10 and June 17. Hollande needs a leftwing majority in parliament if he is to put his programme into action. But there is a question mark over whether the Socialist party would have an absolute majority or need support from the Communists or the Greens to pass legislation. The government might have to be slightly reshuffled after the parliamentary elections, depending on how well the left fares and whether it needs to bring in coalition partners.

Obama Raises Issues of Women’s Empowerment at G8 Summit.

Barack Obama

Barack Obama (Photo credit: jamesomalley)

News for May 21st was taken from Women’s Views on News.

President Obama raised the issue of women’s empowerment at Saturday’s G-8 summit at the Camp David presidential retreat in western Maryland.

As leaders joined to discuss the situation in Afghanistan and the world economy, Fox News reported that he said:

“We had a brief discussion around the issue of women’s empowerment, where we agreed that both, when it comes to economic development and when it comes to peace and security issues, empowering women to have a seat at the table and get more engaged and more involved in these processes can be extraordinarily fruitful”.

Women’s rights have also become a battleground for the 2012 presidential candidates, with Democrats accusing Republicans of waging a ‘war on women’, not least because of their attacks on Planned Parenthood, America’s leading reproductive health care provider.

These attacks are, by all accounts, causing the Republican candidate, Mitt Romney, some concern because of reports that they have led to a surge of support for Obama.

And Obama is not letting up. Speaking to women graduates from the all-female Barnard college in New York recently, he urged them to: “fight for your seat at the table, or better yet, fight for a seat at the head of the table”.

Obama is not the only politician to appeal to women. Newly elected French president, Francois Hollande, made some pretty impressive promises to women. He has already delivered on the first with an equal number of men and women in his cabinet,

Let’s hope he keeps some of the rest of those promises and that Obama lives up to the hype that he’s currently spouting. If they do, this could be an interesting year for women.

Louise Mensch: ‘I’m meant to say that the Commons is too blokey. But I love it…’

News for 5 May has been taken from The Independent.

Photograph of the debating chamber of the Brit...

House of Commons (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

It has, as ever, been a busy week for Louise Mensch. When the Culture, Media and Sport Select Committee published its report on the phone hacking scandal, you just knew that Mensch would vie with her Labour colleague Tom Watson for the greatest public visibility; and, sure enough, there the two of them were, taking swings at each other over the report’s controversial conclusion that Rupert Murdoch was unfit to run his empire, a conclusion that Mensch strongly opposed. She might not have been the most senior Conservative to vote against Watson’s amendments, but she was certainly the most audible. As her less starry Tory allies faded into the background, Mensch was on Newsnight, the Today programme, and just about anywhere else you cared to look.

Even as the fall-out from the report began to settle over the subsequent days, Mensch stayed at the top of the agenda. This time, it was thanks to her energetic Twitter profile – not the first time her digital life has seeped into her analogue one. After a slew of appallingly sexist and abusive tweets in her direction from those too unreconstructed to see that her views on the Murdoch case were no excuse for misogyny, she made a stand, calling them out on their vitriol and winning support from across the political spectrum. Others have made the same point before. But when Mensch does it, people listen.

Partly they listen because that strident voice, warm and keen and articulate, and ever so slightly like a champion junior debater, is very hard to tune out. Her view of Watson’s suggestion that Murdoch Senior was not fit to run an international company is expressed, as ever, in bracingly forthright terms: It’s “froth”, she says, and not just froth, but “fatally undermining” to the report’s impact. Watson, in her view, is guilty of propagating “partisan tripe”.

It’s one of Mensch’s most regularly deployed rhetorical devices: to position herself as the common-sense centrist, less a Conservative than a normal person in among the political extremists. Whether it always chimes with the public’s sense of her is another question: there’s another view of Mensch, as a self-publicist with less interest in politics than in her own visibility.

We meet in a small-ish hotel room, but she still speaks slightly too loudly, in parliamentary mode rather than having a one-to-one. “You’ve got a choice,” she hollers. “Like me or love me.” Wow, I think: she’s even more terrifyingly sure of herself than I expected. Then she bursts into laughter: “That was a slip of the tongue. I meant, of course, like me or loathe me.”

There are plenty of people in both camps, but Mensch is a robust character. She is a front-footer: a person who jumped instantly to her feet when Rupert Murdoch came under attack from a cream pie during a Select Committee hearing. She was the only MP on that infamous occasion to respond to the attack with any kind of snap physical reflex. “That was instinctive because I learnt it from childhood. From a young, young age, my mum [Daphne Bagshawe, a Catholic primary school headmistress] had me getting up on my feet, making speeches…. My first debate was This House Believes in Father Christmas. At the time, I really did.”

After Christ Church, Oxford – it still rankles that she did not make President of the Union, as when I mention another college, she says dreamily “I’d have been President if I’d gone there …” – she became a bestselling novelist. She wrote 15 chick-lit fantasies (such as Desire, Glitz and Sparkles) under her maiden name, Louise Bagshawe.

“There was so much sex in the first novel, I thought, there is no way I am ever going to be an MP. How will I get past the blue rinse brigade? But I gave it a go after David Cameron’s call-to-arms. I thought, I’m gonna do something about the scandalous lack of women [in the House of Commons].” In 2010 she won the marginal seat of Corby. “And here I am after the benefit of positive discrimination which my party is against, really, but before, there was negative discrimination, so it was making the playing field level.”

Going into politics was a “long-cherished dream”. “You know what? I enjoy the gladiatorial nature of politics. The cut and thrust.” As a woman, her Twitter enemies seem to think, she should be saying something different. “I’m meant to say that the atmosphere in the House is too much like a bear pit, that it’s too blokey, and it needs to change. But actually, I love it. You have to be slightly attracted to that atmosphere to want to go into politics. I get told off sometimes [by the Speaker] because I get so carried away that I’m like a football fan, yelling hard, getting stuck into the Opposition.”

However, as a socially liberal Tory, she has cross-bench instincts, and a knack for making Labour friends. “I make half-hearted attempts to convert them over a white wine in the Strangers’ [bar],” she says. “You’re a good laugh and you’re sensible, why are you… one of them?” And specific issues motivate women MPs to band together. When a Lib Dem proposed a policy of anonymity for accused rapists, “we got that dropped pretty quickly.” This week when she called for sexist abuse to be outlawed on Twitter, Harriet Harman tweeted “Louise Mensch is right.”

Mensch tweets often dozens of times a day, but she doesn’t like the risks that come with the freedom of Twitter. “If you want to see the worst of humanity,” she says, “look on Twitter. People say terrible things about, for example, Baroness Thatcher, this old lady who’s done so much for us and is now a very ill woman, like your grandmother, who you want to protect.”

She might idolise Thatcher, but she insists she doesn’t want to be her. “I don’t really want a major role,” she says. “I don’t think I could manage it with being a mother.” As a divorcee with three children under nine, she has permanent leave from the chief whip to miss Thursday night votes. She also rather ostentatiously left a Select Committee meeting announcing she was off to pick up her children – that instinct, again, for doing something human in a highly visible context.

“I think it’s highly unlikely anyone is going to turn round and offer me a cabinet post. I’d like to be a junior minister or a PPS or a whip but that’s as far as it goes.”

Divorced four years ago, she only recently remarried, taking the surname of Peter Mensch as “an act of love”. She is still, at heart, a romantic novelist. When I ask a few questions about how she met her husband, a hitherto unknown story unfolds.

She was an Oxford undergraduate, watching a TV documentary about the rock band Def Leppard, when she took a shine to their American manager, Peter Mensch. “I thought, he’s so arrogant, so full of himself – I’m completely attracted to him!”

He was a music industry legend, manager of Metallica and the Red Hot Chili Peppers. He was 19 years her senior, and he lived 3,000 miles away. Why let that put her off? Louise decided to invite rock stars and rock managers to Oxford, to speak at a conference of her own devising: a conference about rock music and censorship. She was already a Secretary of the Oxford Union. She was not, however, President. No matter. She would set up the Oxford Rock Society, and appoint herself President of that instead. “The Oxford Rock Society was me and two of my friends. It was entirely devised so I could put that conference on. It was for the title. Sometimes a title is really important.”

We are both laughing. She is proud of her subterfuge, peacocking a little. Eventually, she persuaded Peter Mensch to come (along with a reluctant Sharon Osbourne, who referred to her as a “persistent bitch”.) She had magicked that arrogant man out of the documentary onto her doorstep through sheer teenage chutzpah. It took her another 20 years to marry him, however. In the meantime, she dedicated her first novel to him, and he helped her get a job at EMI, but both of them committed to other relationships. He had three children with his wife Melissa, while Louise married an American property developer called Anthony LoCicero and they had three children together, the youngest of whom is now four.

“Obviously, there was a massive gap during my own marriage, but I met him [Peter Mensch] a long time ago and was in love and then came back,” she says, breaking eye contact for the first time in the interview, emotion overtaking her. “I still feel butterflies when he comes through the door.”

Her husband is “totally supportive” of her political career. “He likes it a lot,” she says. “He couldn’t be more left-wing, but there you go.” Perhaps it’s contending with his politics that has taught her to distance herself from the more rabid bits of the conservative brand; perhaps his alpha-male status has motivated her, too. “It’s nice that after 20 years of being his plus-one for everything, he’s now my plus-one. It’s nice to take him as my guest to Downing Street.”

It could be a scene from one of her novels: self-created woman takes alpha male on a trip he will never forget. And even if her stated political ambitions are limited, you can tell that this world – the one that has propelled her onto the front pages – is one that she is utterly in love with.

“In the House of Commons tearoom,” she says conspiratorially, “we sit by party because you can’t have the Opposition hearing your plots and secrets.” Surely, one day, she will write a Westminster bonkbuster to sit alongside her previous works? Whether it would figure a courageous Tory taking on the political establishment – or whether anyone would Tweet – is an open question. But there seems little doubt of the attention it would garner. I even suggest a title – Hung Parliament – and she howls with laughter. But she is not quite willing to commit.